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Anthony Abbam, Ishmael Dadson, Joy Say (2015). An Empirical Analysis of Customer Choice of Banks in Ghana. European Journal of Business Management, 7,
Abstract
The deregulation and liberalization of the financial sector as well as the enactment of the new banking law in 1988 has led to increased competition in the Ghanaian banking sector. Given the dynamic nature of the business environment in Ghana coupled with the fact that customers have become more demanding and highly sophisticated, it has become imperative for financial institutions especially banks to develop strategies and products to attract and retain customers. The current study analyses the factors that bank customers consider important in their choice of banks. The study used primary data from field survey using questionnaire as the instrument. Both descriptive and multivariate statistical methods were used to analyse the data. It was found that the most important factors influencing customer choice of a bank are location of the bank, extension of working hours by the bank, availability of ATM facility, provision of efficient services, the bank being a private one and introduction of customers to the bank by friends and relatives. It is recommended that there should be frequent marketing research by the banks to monitor and evaluate the ever changing customer peculiarities and perspectives in order to develop products or services to meet the current tastes of their customers.
The deregulation and liberalization of the financial sector as well as the enactment of the new banking law in 1988 has led to increased competition in the Ghanaian banking sector. Given the dynamic nature of the business environment in Ghana coupled with the fact that customers have become more demanding and highly sophisticated, it has become imperative for financial institutions especially banks to develop strategies and products to attract and retain customers. The current study analyses the factors that bank customers consider important in their choice of banks. The study used primary data from field survey using questionnaire as the instrument. Both descriptive and multivariate statistical methods were used to analyse the data. It was found that the most important factors influencing customer choice of a bank are location of the bank, extension of working hours by the bank, availability of ATM facility, provision of efficient services, the bank being a private one and introduction of customers to the bank by friends and relatives. It is recommended that there should be frequent marketing research by the banks to monitor and evaluate the ever changing customer peculiarities and perspectives in order to develop products or services to meet the current tastes of their customers.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Asah-Asante, K. & Brako, I. (2014). Media Crusade Against Corruption in Ghan's Fourth Republic (2004-2012). International Journal of Research in Arts and Social Sciences (IJRASS), 7,
Abstract
Corruption, which has become a household word on the lips of almost everybody in Ghana, may simply be understood as the misuse of one’s public office for benefits either for himself or herself or some other groups the person has closed affinity with. The role of the media in fighting corruption in a democracy is well known. Media exposure of corrupt officials enables the law enforcement agencies to arrest and prosecute culprits and this serves as a deterrent to other would be offenders. Over the years, the corruption menace and its adverse effects on development have been of great concern to many people. In their efforts to combat corruption, successive Ghanaian governments have resorted to various means, including confiscation of property, imprisonment and even execution of convicted corrupt public officials. These measures, in spite of their punitive nature failed to suffice to deter Ghanaians from indulging in corrupt practices. In the light of the crucial role of the media in the fight against corruption, coupled with the expansion of the frontiers of free speech and the repeal of the obnoxious criminal libel and seditions laws, one would have thought the stage would be set for an effective media crusade against corruption in the country. But, unfortunately this is not the case. The question then is: what has accounted for the lack of bite of the Ghanaian media in the fight against corruption despite its vibrancy and strength in Ghana’s Fourth Republic? This paper seeks achieve three objectives. First, to contribute to the ongoing debate on whether the media can be used as an effective instrument in the fight against the corruption phenomenon, whose roots are penetrating deep into the society. Second, it is to highlight some of the high profile corruption cases in Ghana and government’s lackadaisical attitude towards addressing them. The third and the last objective is to establish whether it is the government and the state institutions which have not been performing their role as expected of them in the crusade. The study is anchored in the agenda setting theory of the media. To achieve the set objectives, articles on corruption covered by three private newspapers in Ghana were picked for the study. It was evident the media has played its role in exposing corruption, but the lackadaisical attitude of government and the appropriate state institutions have failed to act, thus making the phenomenon to blossom. There is the urgent need for both government and the relevant institutions to demonstrate serious commitment to fight against this awful menace.
Corruption, which has become a household word on the lips of almost everybody in Ghana, may simply be understood as the misuse of one’s public office for benefits either for himself or herself or some other groups the person has closed affinity with. The role of the media in fighting corruption in a democracy is well known. Media exposure of corrupt officials enables the law enforcement agencies to arrest and prosecute culprits and this serves as a deterrent to other would be offenders. Over the years, the corruption menace and its adverse effects on development have been of great concern to many people. In their efforts to combat corruption, successive Ghanaian governments have resorted to various means, including confiscation of property, imprisonment and even execution of convicted corrupt public officials. These measures, in spite of their punitive nature failed to suffice to deter Ghanaians from indulging in corrupt practices. In the light of the crucial role of the media in the fight against corruption, coupled with the expansion of the frontiers of free speech and the repeal of the obnoxious criminal libel and seditions laws, one would have thought the stage would be set for an effective media crusade against corruption in the country. But, unfortunately this is not the case. The question then is: what has accounted for the lack of bite of the Ghanaian media in the fight against corruption despite its vibrancy and strength in Ghana’s Fourth Republic? This paper seeks achieve three objectives. First, to contribute to the ongoing debate on whether the media can be used as an effective instrument in the fight against the corruption phenomenon, whose roots are penetrating deep into the society. Second, it is to highlight some of the high profile corruption cases in Ghana and government’s lackadaisical attitude towards addressing them. The third and the last objective is to establish whether it is the government and the state institutions which have not been performing their role as expected of them in the crusade. The study is anchored in the agenda setting theory of the media. To achieve the set objectives, articles on corruption covered by three private newspapers in Ghana were picked for the study. It was evident the media has played its role in exposing corruption, but the lackadaisical attitude of government and the appropriate state institutions have failed to act, thus making the phenomenon to blossom. There is the urgent need for both government and the relevant institutions to demonstrate serious commitment to fight against this awful menace.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Asah-Asante, K. & Brako, I., (2015). Understanding Political Institutions. Accra: Black Mask Co. Ltd.. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-1298-8
Abstract
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Brako, I. & Asah-Asante, K., (2014). The ABC of Political Science. Accra: Black Mask Co. Ltd.. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-0597-3
Abstract
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Brako, I. & Asah-Asante, K., (2014). The ABC of Political Science. Accra: Black Mask Co. Ltd.. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-0597-3
Abstract
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Brako, I. & Asah-Asante, K., (2014). The ABC of Political Science. Accra: Black Mask Co. Ltd.. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-0597-3
Abstract
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationAug 26, 2015
Odumah, L. K (2014). An enhanced model for teaching human rights in senior high schools in Ghana. The Social Educator, 4,
Abstract
In this study, the researcher examined the extent to which an enhanced model of teaching human rights can improve human rights education curriculum for senior high schools in Ghana. A total of 180 participants (90 each in experimental and control groups) drawn from 6 out of 480 public senior high schools in 3 out of the 10 regions in Ghana constituted the sample for the study. Descriptive survey and quasi-experimental pre-test/post-test control group designs were adopted for the study. The research question raised for the study was analysed using frequency distribution and percentages. The pre-test conducted revealed that different forms of violence such as sexual harassment, bullying, discrimination and misuse of power under the prefectorial system were prevalent in Ghanaian senior high schools. Participants were subjected to a treatment package, based on Human Rights Education Enhancement (HUREDE) model developed by the researcher. The post-test conducted revealed that all the forms of violence diminished drastically among the participants. In the light of this finding, it was recommended that the HUREDE model that was developed and tested in this study, be adopted for Ghanaian senior high schools. It was proved to be effective, and would go a long way to enhance human rights education curriculum for senior high schools in Ghana and African countries with the same school system.
In this study, the researcher examined the extent to which an enhanced model of teaching human rights can improve human rights education curriculum for senior high schools in Ghana. A total of 180 participants (90 each in experimental and control groups) drawn from 6 out of 480 public senior high schools in 3 out of the 10 regions in Ghana constituted the sample for the study. Descriptive survey and quasi-experimental pre-test/post-test control group designs were adopted for the study. The research question raised for the study was analysed using frequency distribution and percentages. The pre-test conducted revealed that different forms of violence such as sexual harassment, bullying, discrimination and misuse of power under the prefectorial system were prevalent in Ghanaian senior high schools. Participants were subjected to a treatment package, based on Human Rights Education Enhancement (HUREDE) model developed by the researcher. The post-test conducted revealed that all the forms of violence diminished drastically among the participants. In the light of this finding, it was recommended that the HUREDE model that was developed and tested in this study, be adopted for Ghanaian senior high schools. It was proved to be effective, and would go a long way to enhance human rights education curriculum for senior high schools in Ghana and African countries with the same school system.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationJul 24, 2015
Poatob, S (2015). Understanding the Goal of Social Studies: A Step to the Effective Teaching of the Subject. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5,
Abstract
The attainment of curriculum goals and general aims of Social Studies, which are inextricably linked to the national goals and aspirations of education, rely on the quality of teaching that goes on in the classroom. Effective learning is thus dependent on the quality of teaching that is carried out by various teachers during instructions. This work examines senior high Social Studies teachers’ understanding of the goal of the social studies and how it informs their teaching of the subject. The targeted population for the study encompassed teachers teaching Social Studies in the senior high schools in Cape Coast Metropolis. This was a qualitative study that adopted the use of interviews in gathering the data necessary for the work. Purposive and convenience sampling techniques were used to select the sample for the study. The study showed that most of the Social Studies teachers teach the subject without knowing the general aims of the subject as stipulated in the Social Studies syllabus which serve as teachers’ guide to the teaching of the subject. Besides, some of them could not also tell holistically the goal of Social Studies.
The attainment of curriculum goals and general aims of Social Studies, which are inextricably linked to the national goals and aspirations of education, rely on the quality of teaching that goes on in the classroom. Effective learning is thus dependent on the quality of teaching that is carried out by various teachers during instructions. This work examines senior high Social Studies teachers’ understanding of the goal of the social studies and how it informs their teaching of the subject. The targeted population for the study encompassed teachers teaching Social Studies in the senior high schools in Cape Coast Metropolis. This was a qualitative study that adopted the use of interviews in gathering the data necessary for the work. Purposive and convenience sampling techniques were used to select the sample for the study. The study showed that most of the Social Studies teachers teach the subject without knowing the general aims of the subject as stipulated in the Social Studies syllabus which serve as teachers’ guide to the teaching of the subject. Besides, some of them could not also tell holistically the goal of Social Studies.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationJul 22, 2015
Amoako, S. (2014). "Black Board Struggles": Teacher Unionism under the 'Democratic' Rawlings Regime 1992-2000.. Ghana Studies, 17,
Abstract
The transition to democratic governance in 1992/93 had mixed implications for teacher unionism. Firstly, the promulgation of PNDC Law 309 enabled teacher unions, just like other public sector unions, to negotiate directly with the state. However, the continuing economic atrophy of the nation, combined with the government’s lackadaisical attitude towards negotiating teacher grievances, pushed the teacher union to embark on strike actions and legal reliefs to force the government to address its grievances. Secondly, the 1992 constitution that allowed for trade union pluralism, combined with some graduate teachers’ dissatisfaction with the Ghana National Association of Teacher’s (GNAT) inability to fight to improve the conditions of service of its graduate members provided an avenue for these disgruntled graduate teachers to breakaway to form the National Association of Graduate Teachers (NAGRAT), which registered as a trade union. In examining teacher unionism under the Rawlings regime, this paper seeks to highlight the bottom line of teacher agitation after Ghana’s transition to liberal democratic rule; investigate government responses to these grievances; examine the internal conflicts of organised teachers, and thus, shed light on some significant contours of the political economy of labour relations in Ghana’s public education sector during the period under review. The paper adopts a qualitative paradigm and uses primary data generated from interviews, newspaper reports as well as analysis of official union documents, which include memoranda, press releases, petitions, and official union correspondence.
The transition to democratic governance in 1992/93 had mixed implications for teacher unionism. Firstly, the promulgation of PNDC Law 309 enabled teacher unions, just like other public sector unions, to negotiate directly with the state. However, the continuing economic atrophy of the nation, combined with the government’s lackadaisical attitude towards negotiating teacher grievances, pushed the teacher union to embark on strike actions and legal reliefs to force the government to address its grievances. Secondly, the 1992 constitution that allowed for trade union pluralism, combined with some graduate teachers’ dissatisfaction with the Ghana National Association of Teacher’s (GNAT) inability to fight to improve the conditions of service of its graduate members provided an avenue for these disgruntled graduate teachers to breakaway to form the National Association of Graduate Teachers (NAGRAT), which registered as a trade union. In examining teacher unionism under the Rawlings regime, this paper seeks to highlight the bottom line of teacher agitation after Ghana’s transition to liberal democratic rule; investigate government responses to these grievances; examine the internal conflicts of organised teachers, and thus, shed light on some significant contours of the political economy of labour relations in Ghana’s public education sector during the period under review. The paper adopts a qualitative paradigm and uses primary data generated from interviews, newspaper reports as well as analysis of official union documents, which include memoranda, press releases, petitions, and official union correspondence.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationJul 15, 2015
Amoako, S. (2014). The Ghana National Association of Teachers under the Provisional National Defence Council, 1982-1990: Caught in a Warp of Cooperation and Unresolved Grievances?. Contemporary Journal of African Studies, 2,
Abstract
This article examines the relationship between the Ghana National Association of Teachers (GNAT) and the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) regime from 1982 to 1991. It pays attention to grievances of teachers pursued by GNAT, methods employed to seek redress and what results it achieved. Faced with government insensitivity, GNAT was unable to militantly agitate for its demands. Situating the analysis in the socio-political and economic milieu of the 1980s, the paper argues that the relationship between the PNDC regime and GNAT remained frosty and jolty, throughout the duration of the existence of the regime, even though, GNAT did not see itself as antagonistic to the PNDC government. The PNDC government on the other hand, in addition to dissolving the political hub of the education sector, the Ghana Education Service (GES) Council, engaged actively in subjecting some key personalities in the education sector, who were members of GNAT, to one form of repression or another, even as it accepted memoranda, and engaged in round table discussions with GNAT over its grievances; the regime failed to actively resolve grievances of teachers presented through GNAT. Thus the PNDC government seemed to have employed simultaneously cooperative and repressive tactics in dealing with GNAT.
This article examines the relationship between the Ghana National Association of Teachers (GNAT) and the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) regime from 1982 to 1991. It pays attention to grievances of teachers pursued by GNAT, methods employed to seek redress and what results it achieved. Faced with government insensitivity, GNAT was unable to militantly agitate for its demands. Situating the analysis in the socio-political and economic milieu of the 1980s, the paper argues that the relationship between the PNDC regime and GNAT remained frosty and jolty, throughout the duration of the existence of the regime, even though, GNAT did not see itself as antagonistic to the PNDC government. The PNDC government on the other hand, in addition to dissolving the political hub of the education sector, the Ghana Education Service (GES) Council, engaged actively in subjecting some key personalities in the education sector, who were members of GNAT, to one form of repression or another, even as it accepted memoranda, and engaged in round table discussions with GNAT over its grievances; the regime failed to actively resolve grievances of teachers presented through GNAT. Thus the PNDC government seemed to have employed simultaneously cooperative and repressive tactics in dealing with GNAT.
Faculty of Social Sciences EducationJul 15, 2015
