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Brako, I
2016 School of Social Sciences international Conference on Social Sciences, Good Governance and Sustainable Development Goals. IISSER Conference Facility, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana. 14th -15th April 2016
Paper presented:
Re-emergence of Military Coups d’etat in Africa: Lessons for Ghana’s Fledging Democracy
Abstract
Ghana, like many other African states, was caught in the throes of military coups d’état, counter coups, abortive coups and coup plots. The phenomenon, which was rife during the 1960s through the 1980s, subsided and seemed to have disappeared from the continent with the wind of democratization sweeping across the globe which brought in its wake transitions from military dictatorships to democratic rule. Corruption, constitutional crisis, ethnocentrism and bad governance are some of the prime factors the military adventurists often cite as grounds to justify their intervention in governance. With the pockets of military interventions and abortive coups raring their ugly faces on the continent again after almost two decades of respite, it becomes imperative to resume discussions on the coup phenomenon. This paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the motivations for frequent military take-overs and lessons Ghanaian political leaders must learn in order to avert a reversion to the eras of coups.
Ghana, like many other African states, was caught in the throes of military coups d’état, counter coups, abortive coups and coup plots. The phenomenon, which was rife during the 1960s through the 1980s, subsided and seemed to have disappeared from the continent with the wind of democratization sweeping across the globe which brought in its wake transitions from military dictatorships to democratic rule. Corruption, constitutional crisis, ethnocentrism and bad governance are some of the prime factors the military adventurists often cite as grounds to justify their intervention in governance. With the pockets of military interventions and abortive coups raring their ugly faces on the continent again after almost two decades of respite, it becomes imperative to resume discussions on the coup phenomenon. This paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the motivations for frequent military take-overs and lessons Ghanaian political leaders must learn in order to avert a reversion to the eras of coups.
Marfu, W. A. & Brako, I.
4th International Conference on Mangement , Communication & Technology (ICMT), 2016. Academic City College, Accra, Ghana. 30th-31st May 2016
Paper presented:
Using E-Governance to Unlock Corruption In Ghana
Abstract
Corruption has become a social, political and economic canker which is wreaking havoc in many countries, both advanced and developing. The phenomenon continues to assume many new dimensions in modern times and for this reason, modern strategies have to be found to tackle it head on. The adoption of e-governance has proven to be one of the effective means to curb the menace, especially in developing countries. E-governance involves the application of ICT for government with an aim of improving the efficiency with which citizens receive services. The application of E-governance also helps in dealing with corruption through increased accountability, eliminating gatekeepers or minimizing interaction of civil servants and citizens, and increased transparency. The corruption phenomenon has been identified as one of the barriers to economic growth so, any attempt to uproot it will certainly translate into improvement in economic growth. Corruption reduces foreign direct investment (FDI), diverts government funds meant for providing development projects to non-beneficial investments and thus retards development. Thus, corruption leads to increased poverty and with e-governance it is possible to reduce the problem. Use of e-governance in reducing corruption is more beneficial for developing countries than it is for developed countries.
Corruption has become a social, political and economic canker which is wreaking havoc in many countries, both advanced and developing. The phenomenon continues to assume many new dimensions in modern times and for this reason, modern strategies have to be found to tackle it head on. The adoption of e-governance has proven to be one of the effective means to curb the menace, especially in developing countries. E-governance involves the application of ICT for government with an aim of improving the efficiency with which citizens receive services. The application of E-governance also helps in dealing with corruption through increased accountability, eliminating gatekeepers or minimizing interaction of civil servants and citizens, and increased transparency. The corruption phenomenon has been identified as one of the barriers to economic growth so, any attempt to uproot it will certainly translate into improvement in economic growth. Corruption reduces foreign direct investment (FDI), diverts government funds meant for providing development projects to non-beneficial investments and thus retards development. Thus, corruption leads to increased poverty and with e-governance it is possible to reduce the problem. Use of e-governance in reducing corruption is more beneficial for developing countries than it is for developed countries.
Asah-Asante, K. & Brako, I., (2016). International Relations: An Introduction. Tema: Digibooks Ghana Ltd.. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-3269-6
Abstract
Isaac Brako & Kwame Asah-Asante, (2015). Africa: From Colonialism to Independence. Accra: Black Mask Ltd. . ISBN: 978-9988-2-1914-7
Abstract
Botchwey, G and Crawford, G
Fourth Social Science Conference. University of Education, Winneba, Ghana. March 15-17. 2016
Paper presented:
Chinese Involvement in Small-scale Gold Mining in Ghana: Resource (Un)-fairness with Institutional Blessing?
Abstract
This paper examines a recent controversial phenomenon in small-scale mining in Ghana – the illicit involvement of foreign miners, especially from China, in a sector reserved for Ghanaians by law. The paper examines the impact of foreign involvement and the consequences for resource fairness in terms of resource sovereignty; state revenue; distribution of benefits; and environmental degradation. Findings show irrevocable changes to indigenous mining practices and negative externalities. Depressingly, this illicit scramble for gold occurred with the collusion of state officials, politicians and chiefs, eager to profit privately from the wealth produced, whatever the public costs; the antipathy of resource fair-ness. Policy changes proposed to address the current challenges include legislative changes to allow and regulate de facto foreign involvement and service provision taking place in ASM; to introduce a more efficient licensing process in the sector; to practice better and more accountable law enforcement; to revise of tax laws governing ASM aimed at increasing state revenue; and to develop better strategies to address environmental degradation and endemic corruption.
This paper examines a recent controversial phenomenon in small-scale mining in Ghana – the illicit involvement of foreign miners, especially from China, in a sector reserved for Ghanaians by law. The paper examines the impact of foreign involvement and the consequences for resource fairness in terms of resource sovereignty; state revenue; distribution of benefits; and environmental degradation. Findings show irrevocable changes to indigenous mining practices and negative externalities. Depressingly, this illicit scramble for gold occurred with the collusion of state officials, politicians and chiefs, eager to profit privately from the wealth produced, whatever the public costs; the antipathy of resource fair-ness. Policy changes proposed to address the current challenges include legislative changes to allow and regulate de facto foreign involvement and service provision taking place in ASM; to introduce a more efficient licensing process in the sector; to practice better and more accountable law enforcement; to revise of tax laws governing ASM aimed at increasing state revenue; and to develop better strategies to address environmental degradation and endemic corruption.
Botchwey, G
CODESRIA South-South Institute. Durban, South Africa September 11-18, 2015
Paper presented:
Reaching the Poor or the 'Well-connected'? Social Policy Targeting under Ghana's School Feeding Programme.
Abstract
The success of social policy interventions in education depends on effective targeting and management. Ghana has implemented a school feeding programme since 2007, but just about 21% of the target population is reached over the years. The study investigated why this occurs, using semi-structured interviews with community leaders, teachers, headteachers, programme donors and managers, local government officials and locally-elected representatives. Findings reveal that enrolment has indeed increased in beneficiary schools but much of these may be transfers from non-beneficiary schools. Selection of schools is also linked to the political affiliation of the headteachers and ability to lobby government.The paper argues that valid beneficiaries of social policy programmes may be missed due to covert intentions of powerholders to service patronage networks. Greater reliance on poverty profiles, publication of selection criteria and inclusion of non-state actors in coordination and monitoring would help reverse this situation.
The success of social policy interventions in education depends on effective targeting and management. Ghana has implemented a school feeding programme since 2007, but just about 21% of the target population is reached over the years. The study investigated why this occurs, using semi-structured interviews with community leaders, teachers, headteachers, programme donors and managers, local government officials and locally-elected representatives. Findings reveal that enrolment has indeed increased in beneficiary schools but much of these may be transfers from non-beneficiary schools. Selection of schools is also linked to the political affiliation of the headteachers and ability to lobby government.The paper argues that valid beneficiaries of social policy programmes may be missed due to covert intentions of powerholders to service patronage networks. Greater reliance on poverty profiles, publication of selection criteria and inclusion of non-state actors in coordination and monitoring would help reverse this situation.
Asante, B., (2014). How Should We Live?. Weiler, J. Third Social Science Conference. Winneba: University of Education.
Abstract
What makes an action right or wrong? How do we determine this?What principles must we follow in this? The paper, following the dialectical method, rehearses the major answers that the ages have offered to this timeless question. It then selects deontological liberalism in which the officials rules supersede all parochial considerations-family, church, ethnic, political etc.- and in mundane relations, the rights and liberties of others should be sovereign. It bemoans the high tendency of Ghanaians to substitute personal considerations for official rules.
What makes an action right or wrong? How do we determine this?What principles must we follow in this? The paper, following the dialectical method, rehearses the major answers that the ages have offered to this timeless question. It then selects deontological liberalism in which the officials rules supersede all parochial considerations-family, church, ethnic, political etc.- and in mundane relations, the rights and liberties of others should be sovereign. It bemoans the high tendency of Ghanaians to substitute personal considerations for official rules.
Amoako-Gyampah K. A. & Kafui, O. T.
Social Science Conference: Developing Society through Human Security and Social Justice. Anamuah-Menash Auditorium, Winneba, Ghana 16th - 16th March
Paper presented:
The Ghanaian Mass Media, the Politics of Insult and the Burden of History
Abstract
The promulgation of the 1992 constitution ushered in several constitutional provisions and regulatory enactments that combined to produce a liberal, vociferous and proactive media landscape in Ghana. The combined efforts of the various media outlets, both privately-owned and state-owned, have not only served as watch-dog over government excesses, but have also served as a guardian of public interests, exposing corruption at all levels and acting as the conduit between the government and the governed. Yet, in recent times, there have been concerns that the Ghanaian media is becoming overly sensational, sleazy and superficial in its reportage. Above all there are concerns that the media front is increasingly serving partisan political ends as tools for hurling insults at political opponents, as typified particularly, by the two dominant political parties – the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). As a result, the media appears to be sowing discord rather than concord, hate speech instead of sober debate and suspicion rather than social trust. This study attempts to contextualise the complicity of the mass media in serving as an avenue for the propagation and perpetuation of political insults in Ghana. Drawing evidence mainly from the print media, we will: (a) investigate the trajectory and context of political insults in Ghanaian Newspapers and (b) examine how Ghanaian newspapers report insults that are targeted at political actors. In order to present a more critical and nuanced analysis, we shall engage in content, contextual and inter-textual analysis of contents that are of the nature of political insults presented in newspapers. While we concede to the view that there has been preponderance of political insults peddled through the Ghanaian media under the fourth republic, we will contend that: (a) the use of insults are not new to Ghana’s political culture and that it even predates the colonial encounter. What is new, however, is the contrived, aggressive, and acrimonious motive implied in the present-day political insults. (b) That the incidence of political insults of the nature peddled through the media presently is traceable to the early part of 1950s – a period that epitomised aggressive politicking in the contemporary political history of Ghana.
The promulgation of the 1992 constitution ushered in several constitutional provisions and regulatory enactments that combined to produce a liberal, vociferous and proactive media landscape in Ghana. The combined efforts of the various media outlets, both privately-owned and state-owned, have not only served as watch-dog over government excesses, but have also served as a guardian of public interests, exposing corruption at all levels and acting as the conduit between the government and the governed. Yet, in recent times, there have been concerns that the Ghanaian media is becoming overly sensational, sleazy and superficial in its reportage. Above all there are concerns that the media front is increasingly serving partisan political ends as tools for hurling insults at political opponents, as typified particularly, by the two dominant political parties – the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). As a result, the media appears to be sowing discord rather than concord, hate speech instead of sober debate and suspicion rather than social trust. This study attempts to contextualise the complicity of the mass media in serving as an avenue for the propagation and perpetuation of political insults in Ghana. Drawing evidence mainly from the print media, we will: (a) investigate the trajectory and context of political insults in Ghanaian Newspapers and (b) examine how Ghanaian newspapers report insults that are targeted at political actors. In order to present a more critical and nuanced analysis, we shall engage in content, contextual and inter-textual analysis of contents that are of the nature of political insults presented in newspapers. While we concede to the view that there has been preponderance of political insults peddled through the Ghanaian media under the fourth republic, we will contend that: (a) the use of insults are not new to Ghana’s political culture and that it even predates the colonial encounter. What is new, however, is the contrived, aggressive, and acrimonious motive implied in the present-day political insults. (b) That the incidence of political insults of the nature peddled through the media presently is traceable to the early part of 1950s – a period that epitomised aggressive politicking in the contemporary political history of Ghana.
Asante, B.
Department of History Seminar. Winneba, Ghana Jan 2016
Paper presented:
Twi Expressions of Liberalism
Abstract
Liberalism is generally perceived to be a Western culture, especially its so-called unbridled permissiveness. Against this background, the Paper examined a number of Twi expressions to verify the presence or otherwise of the liberal culture in Ghanaian culture and society. This was premised on the hypothesis that language is the essence of culture. It concluded that there is abundance of liberal ideas in Ghanaian culture as manifested in numerous Twi proverbs and sayings. Consequently, liberalism is not necessarily a Western culture; it is only a matter of degree.
Liberalism is generally perceived to be a Western culture, especially its so-called unbridled permissiveness. Against this background, the Paper examined a number of Twi expressions to verify the presence or otherwise of the liberal culture in Ghanaian culture and society. This was premised on the hypothesis that language is the essence of culture. It concluded that there is abundance of liberal ideas in Ghanaian culture as manifested in numerous Twi proverbs and sayings. Consequently, liberalism is not necessarily a Western culture; it is only a matter of degree.
Asante, B.
Developing Society Through Human Security and Social Justice. Jophus Anamoah-Mensah Auditorium March 15-16, 2016
Paper presented:
Will Ghana Ever Become Norway, South Korea, Singapore or Malaysia : A Historical Prophecy?
Abstract
ABSTRACT This paper sought to answer a perennial question that has been on the minds of Ghanaians since somewhere 1964, and which agitates the minds not only of Ghanaians but Africa as a whole. Combining elements of pure argumentation and deductions from the political history of Ghana, the paper identifies the fundamental problem of Ghana’s economy since independence as reliance on primary production whose prices fluctuate widely on the world market with a high tendency for the prices to take a downward swing and argues that it is only the right type of leadership rather than any other factor- e.g. foreign aid- that can deliver the nation from this predicament. It then goes ahead to situate this type of leadership theoretically and concludes on the optimistic note that such a leader is already present in every generation and given certain circumstances the person will emerge to salvage the nation. It is only the exact time that the paper cannot tell as it depends on human will. This optimism is predicated on a similar age-old problem that the nation once overcame through the right type of leader.
ABSTRACT This paper sought to answer a perennial question that has been on the minds of Ghanaians since somewhere 1964, and which agitates the minds not only of Ghanaians but Africa as a whole. Combining elements of pure argumentation and deductions from the political history of Ghana, the paper identifies the fundamental problem of Ghana’s economy since independence as reliance on primary production whose prices fluctuate widely on the world market with a high tendency for the prices to take a downward swing and argues that it is only the right type of leadership rather than any other factor- e.g. foreign aid- that can deliver the nation from this predicament. It then goes ahead to situate this type of leadership theoretically and concludes on the optimistic note that such a leader is already present in every generation and given certain circumstances the person will emerge to salvage the nation. It is only the exact time that the paper cannot tell as it depends on human will. This optimism is predicated on a similar age-old problem that the nation once overcame through the right type of leader.
